Sunday, 30 May 2010
Gece-can-do
Wednesday, 26 May 2010
Shock and Awe
This ‘violence of transformation’ is probably manifested in a ‘shock and awe’ treatment of the development process. The response to this shock is almost equally violent in nature and embodies all the elements of a lopsided vision of the city. The two decade old consciousness of being part of the ‘global north’ is probably envisioned as a mono-functional image of Manhattan or Hong Kong. Whether it is a response or an attempt to give direction to the inevitable is debatable, however, from the standpoint of the city, it is somewhere between the two as it has created a landscape of tension at various levels and strata, in social and physical realms. The crashing of two realities in the same space, whether contrasting or not, but definitely conflicting, has a tremendous bearing on the communities whose resilience is broken in front of draconian laws and organizations or in front of raw power of capital. A few pockets of resistance are withstanding enormous pressures, but without dwelling into a constructive rhetoric. Their response to the ‘shock and awe’ treatment is reactionary. The rhetoric against government’s strategic standpoint on land tenure (guided by real estate considerations) is again land tenure. It’s rebellious, leading to a Sulukule or Gulsuyu/ Gulensu. Developmental objectives of the society as a whole or in parts are ignored by both the sides.
Monday, 24 May 2010
Field trip rumbling 1
Right now, my impressions and memories seem to hinge on the most recent hours, the final ones, where all was presentation, production of slides, quick analysis and strategy. And looking back, during those hours there wasn’t that much Istanbul, to be honest; it was some sort of faded backdrop to that overpowering beast that is academic rigour. When transformation became the key word of the process, you knew it had some limitations…I mean, transformation could be anything, anywhere, its meaning determined a lot by convenience and chance. So for me, transformation was best represented in those strange hours where we transitioned from trying to honestly understand that absurdly fascinating city, to, once again, resorting back to our old student ways: evaluating proper language, designing slide diagramming, projecting answers to the limited information we had in our hands.
This division remains my biggest personal struggle. How do we shift from being perceptive to a situation to producing information so solemnly encased in academic parameters? There is something in that implicit calculation that sterilizes the bulk of our impressions into yet another structured analysis fit for the ensuing discussions but somewhat lacking of the richness of improvisation. Thank goodness for this group, which remains convinced that these presentations deserve the chance of being a bit illogical.
I think our presentation was very good, still with a lot to be done, and yet for different reasons its appreciation got entangled in another discussion. This, as we are told, is what reality is about, stakeholders making a case for themselves, actors appropriating arguments, feedback being biased and calculated. And then the words, the faces, the arguments, seem to blur from the context, and the discussion becomes a dialogue or dispute that could be anywhere (by changing those keywords that give the context), that we have already heard, that we should expect in the future. For all I know, this was exactly as expected, and for some reason, this was a bit of a letdown. The presentation was what I thought it was going to be, and the "feedback" afterwards too. Nothing unplanned, everything under control. Even that final discussion fit into the countless predictions of what to expect at such gatherings. And just like that we had the universal goodbye, thanks-to-all and be-in-touch. Fieldtrip over.
Wednesday, 5 May 2010
Theme: Land & Built Environment
Bibliography Theme: 3- Land and the built environment
Author: Ozan Karaman, 2008
Title: Urban Pulse-(Re)Making Space For Globalization in Istanbul
ABSTRACT
The author reflects on the ‘urban transformation campaign’ launched by the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IMM) to upgrade Istanbul to “world city” status. The effects of the two main aspects of the campaign - involving ‘prestige’ mega projects and redevelopment of informal housing areas - put the livelihoods of poor residents at stake.
SUMMARY / MAIN IDEAS
IMM (actor) – currently controlled by the Islamic Justice and Development Party (JDP), is a promoter and partner of large scale prestigious projects (hotels, office bldgs, waterfront devel). Their priority is to market Istanbul for foreign investment. They have been criticized for violating planning decisions and bldg regulations, without any consideration of their connection to the wider urban context and existing infrastructure.
Slums/informal settlements viewed as eyesores – hence, slum clearance on lucrative devel sites and gentrification enforced in inner city.
Chamber of Architects (actor) (spearhead opposition bloc) challenge the IMM for its speculative approach to urban transformation (UT), that in most cases privatizes land.
Waterfront Developments seen as most valuable assets. They fundamentally lack transparency and direct participation of citizens, community groups and NGOs in decision making.
Urban Transformation Bill, used to regulate large scale urban renewal and regeneration projects still pending. It would authorize the admin (the IMM and local municipalities) to establish UT zones, expropriate private property, execute projects, engage in P-P-Ps and form private firms or real estate partnerships with private firms.
Participation is not mentioned and only refers to owners/dwellers could be entitled to housing in the projects on the condition they agree to pay a scheme that could extend over 20 years.
IMM targeted areas:
1) Gecekondu settlements established before 1985 (where legal status was granted through “gecekondu amnestities” enacted between 1983 and 1987). They date back to the 1950s with first wave of rural migrants. Settlements made up of makeshift single storey dwellings. Over time, dwellings upgraded and expanded by owners w/ no government interference or regulation and w/out adherence to bldg and zoning codes.Today: crowded, multi-story and pose major earthquake risks. The once tight-knit social networks among residents is now gone.
2) Gecekondu established after 1985. Mostly multi-story apartment bldgs, containing a max number of units for sale or rent. Located more peripherally than the first group and therefore have maintained affordable rents. These areas have received the majority of the forced Kurdish migration since the early 1990s. High levels of socio-economic and ethnic heterogeneity. Social cohesion and community solidarity is minimal and a major cause of tension. These types of gecekondus are the primary IMM targets. (see Demolition case study of Ayazma-Tepeustu in 2007)
3) Slums in the historic city centre. Typically areas of extreme poverty. Conditions vary from completely rundown (Sulukule) to neglected Ottoman vernacular architecture (Tarlabasi) but share extremely crowded living conditions.
Contesting redevelopment – primarily from filing law suits against IMM and local munip., devising their own plans, individual or collective resistance. Chamber of Architects and the chamber of Urban Planners assist with legal procedures, NGOs with alternative plans (Sulukule case outlined).
AUTHOR’S CONCLUSION / POSITION
The urban transformation program is non-participatory and top-down, there is no real attempt to address affordable housing needs of the city and the program runs the risk of deepening the already highly segregated urban environment.
RELEVANT QUESTIONS / KEYWORDS
Keywords: global city, urban transformation, gecekondus